In recent years, India has emphasized its commitment to a foreign policy based on the mantra of “strategic autonomy.” Indian officials and ministers have also used terms like “multi-alignment” and “vishwa mitra” (“friends of the world”), which all convey a similar idea: India will avoid aligning with any specific bloc but will instead form issue-based alignments tied to its national interest.
Before the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi began its third term in office, there were questions about whether Indian foreign policy would witness any changes. Modi’s recent three-day visit to the United States underscores that his government will continue to follow the same approach of seeking strategic benefits from all sides in the changing global order.
Modi’s three-day visit was packed with a leaders’ summit of the Quad alliance, a bilateral dialogue with U.S. President Joe Biden, a speech at the United Nations Summit of the Future, and several other meetings with several heads of state or government, including from Japan, Australia, Palestine, Kuwait, Nepal, Ukraine, and Armenia. The meeting with Palestine President Mahmoud Abbas was significant, especially given Modi’s camaraderie with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Similarly, Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s third meeting with Modi in the past three months, despite India’s close ties with Russia, endorsed India’s growing stature and possibly Modi’s capacity to play peacemaker. Modi’s usual rendezvous with the Indian community, a feature of every Modi tour in any country, was also featured as a major event. And so was a meeting with tech leaders, where Modi pitched India as an attractive investment destination.
The Quad delivered, without naming it, a ceremonial strong message, attracting an equally virulent reaction from Beijing. Both belonged to the realm of the expected. The U.N. Summit of the Future resulted in the “Pact of the Future” adopted by consensus promising to reform the Security Council. India aspires to be a permanent member of the UNSC, although the process is likely to be complex and a long and winding one. There are many claimants to the few positions that may open up, and India’s case isn’t guaranteed as long as China remains opposed to it.
The crucial gains, however, came from the bilateral meeting with the U.S. side, which resulted in a deal facilitating India’s purchase of 31 MQ-9B Sky Guardian and Sea Guardian drones. The bigger achievement, projected by both sides, was a semiconductor pact, which will in 2025 establish a fabrication plant to provide chips for the U.S. armed forces, allied militaries, and the Indian military. India’s past attempts to establish homegrown semiconductor units have not been successful. The U.S. side has described it as a “watershed arrangement,” and the Indian media too has hailed it as a major achievement.
The China factor continues to play a critical role in strengthening India-U.S. relations despite events that typically would have proved strategic spoilers. India’s strong ties with Russia and Iran; the alleged involvement of Indian intelligence officials in the attempted killing of a U.S.-based Sikh activist, whom India describes as a terrorism promoter; and its refusal to play ball with U.S. policies in Ukraine are among the number of issues where both countries have differences. India’s National Security Adviser Ajit Doval did not travel with Modi after facing summons by a U.S. court for his alleged involvement in the attempt to kill the Sikh activist. Nevertheless, Indian policymakers acknowledge that New Delhi will continue to play a crucial role in the United States’ Indo-Pacific policy and will be given considerable leeway. It’s a tough bargain that the U.S. will have to strike in the fluid international system as it looks for partners to counter China.
Continuing with his policy of multi-alignment, Modi will travel next month to Kazan in Russia to attend the 16th BRICS summit. This will be his second visit to Russia in the past five months. The first, in July, had attracted a negative reaction from U.S. officials. BRICS, with Russia and China as leading members and Iran as one of its new members, poses a direct challenge to G-7-led global economic order. It is also a forum that will potentially allow Russia and Iran to circumvent the West’s sanctions to some extent. In Kazan, Modi in all probability will share the stage with Chinese President Xi Jinping and it may result in a bilateral meeting with him on the sidelines of the summit in a bid to bring the four-year border standoff to a close.
Indian policymakers have aimed to take advantage of the significant strategic and economic opportunities arising from the rivalries and competition between the United States and China, as well as the U.S. and Russia. Meanwhile, India’s foreign policy has encountered substantial challenges in South Asia, with its relationships deteriorating with the Maldives and Bangladesh. Additionally, the election of a new left-leaning president in Sri Lanka may further concern India about the possibility of encirclement by China. Nonetheless, these challenges will not deter New Delhi from showcasing its accomplishments on the global stage as India pursues its national interests through a multi-aligned foreign policy.