Bangladesh emerged as a secular nation-state in 1971, one of the few Muslim-majority countries to do so. However, the country is currently undergoing a profound ideological transformation.
Bangladesh’s longest-serving prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, resigned and fled the country amid the student protests this summer. This revolution, which propelled Nobel Laureate Dr. Muhammad Yunus to power as the chief adviser to the interim government, signals a pivotal moment in Bangladesh’s history – a decisive shift away from the secularism that has defined much of its post-independence narrative.
To understand this shift, it is essential to explore the historical context that shaped Bangladesh’s political and ideological landscape. Bangladesh was born in 1971 after a bloody war of independence from Pakistan. The war was, in many ways, a repudiation of the religious nationalism that underpinned the idea of Pakistan. Bangladesh’s founders sought to establish a secular state that would embrace all faiths and reject the communal politics that had led to the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan in 1947.
However, the imposition of secularism in Bangladesh was largely a top-down process, failing to resonate with the deeper cultural and religious sentiments of the populace. Many people in Bangladesh identified strongly with their Muslim faith, and the notion of secularism, perceived as a Western import, was seen by some as incongruent with their identity.
The 1971 war, in a sense, was a failure of Islamism, as religiously oriented political parties, including Jamaat-e-Islami, opposed the independence war on the grounds that it would weaken Islam in the subcontinent. This stance marginalized Islamists in the newly independent Bangladesh, setting the stage for a protracted ideological battle between secularism and Islamism. The battle between them culminated in 2013 with the concurrent rise of the Shahbag movement of secularists and Shapla Movement led by the Hefazat-e-Islam.
The Awami League capitalized on the ideological battle between secularism and Islamism. The party promoted a divide-and-rule policy, emphasizing the “consciousness of independence,” which was synonymous with secular Bengali nationalism. This narrative was used to marginalize political opponents, particularly those with Islamist leanings, and consolidate power. Under the guise of preserving secularism and the spirit of the Liberation War, the Awami League resorted to authoritarian measures to stifle dissent and maintain control.
However, this approach proved to be a double-edged sword. While it helped the Awami League maintain its grip on power, it also alienated large segments of the population who felt that their religious and cultural identities were being suppressed. The regime’s authoritarian tendencies and failure to ensure inclusivity only served to deepen the ideological divide within the country. Over time, the narrative of secularism as a unifying force became increasingly untenable, as it failed to accommodate the diverse identities and aspirations of the Bangladeshi people.
The student revolution of 2024 marked a dramatic turning point in Bangladesh’s ideological journey. The revolution was a mass uprising against the authoritarian regime of Sheikh Hasina, driven by widespread dissatisfaction with her government’s policies and its perceived failure to address the needs of the people. What made this revolution particularly significant was the diverse coalition that participated in it: left-wing and right-wing forces, secularists, and Islamists, all united by a common goal of ousting the incumbent regime.
This unprecedented alliance highlights a fundamental shift in Bangladesh’s political landscape: a move away from the polarizing ideologies of secularism and Islamism toward a more inclusive, pluralistic approach. The revolution’s success lay in its embrace of inclusivity, irrespective of religion, gender, or other identities. The message from the streets was clear: the people of Bangladesh were no longer willing to accept narratives that promoted division and exclusion. The secularism championed by the Awami League was seen as having failed to ensure inclusivity, and its narrative was overwhelmingly rejected by the masses.
This was reflected when students adopted a slogan that is anti-independence and anti-Bengali nationalism. In the early stages of the protest, Hasina implied that those protesting where the children of Razakars – people who collaborated with the Pakistan Army in the Liberation War in 1971. In response, the students reclaimed the disparaging term, chanting, “Who are you? Who am I? Razakar, Razakar.”
This slogan symbolized the failure of the Awami League’s authoritarian secular Bengali nationalism as a unifying ideology. Just as Islamism had failed in 1971 to keep the newly formed nation united, the secularism that emerged from the consciousness of independence failed in 2024.
The question now arises: What comes next? Who or what will rise to fill the ideological vacuum left by the fall of secularism?
The revolution has opened up a space for new ideologies and narratives to emerge, ones that are more reflective of the diverse identities and aspirations of the Bangladeshi people. The success of the student revolution suggests that the future of Bangladesh lies not in the imposition of any single ideology – be it secularism or Islamism – but in a more inclusive and pluralistic approach that recognizes and celebrates diversity.
In light of the ideological shifts taking place in Bangladesh, there is a growing argument for embracing multiculturalism as the new guiding principle for the nation. The opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party promotes multiculturalism through Bangladeshi nationalism ideology. Jamaat-e-Islami, the main Islamist party, quickly adopted a non-communal ideological stance by safeguarding minority places. This is a good sign for Bangladesh’s future as an inclusive society.
Unlike secularism, which has often been perceived as suppressing religious identities, multiculturalism allows for the coexistence of multiple faiths, cultures, and ideas within a single political framework. It promotes a more inclusive society where all citizens, regardless of their religious or cultural background, can feel represented and valued.
Multiculturalism, if implemented correctly, could provide a more sustainable foundation for unity in Bangladesh. It would require the state to actively promote policies that foster inclusivity and equality, rather than exclusion and marginalization. This would mean not only protecting the rights of religious and ethnic minorities but also ensuring that all citizens have equal access to opportunities and resources.
For Bangladesh to successfully transition towards a more inclusive society, it will also need to ensure greater accountability in every sector of the state and its institutions. The authoritarianism and corruption that have plagued Bangladesh’s political system must be addressed if the country is to move forward. This will require a concerted effort to build stronger, more transparent institutions that are accountable to the people.
Ultimately, the fall of secular Bengali nationalism in Bangladesh should be seen as an opportunity for renewal and transformation. The student revolution has shown that the people of Bangladesh are ready for change – they are demanding a more inclusive and just society where all voices are heard and respected. By embracing multiculturalism and ensuring accountability, Bangladesh can build a more cohesive and prosperous future for all its citizens.