As U.S. President-elect Donald Trump continues to shape his incoming administration, there is one name that stands out to me as a Cambodian-American: Marco Rubio, whom Trump has nominated to serve as his secretary of state.
Rubio’s track record on human rights issues offers a glimmer of hope. During the fraudulent Venezuelan elections earlier this year, Rubio pushed for harsh sanctions against the Maduro regime for its blatant disregard of democracy. He has developed a reputation as a “hawk” on China and its geopolitical ambitions, calling out human rights abuses against Uyghur people and the crackdowns on the protests in Hong Kong. Crucially for Southeast Asia, he has been a prominent voice in championing efforts to re-democratize Cambodia and increase U.S. representation in this region, backing a major U.S. Senate bill (S.3052) in 2022, which tied U.S. support to Cambodia’s adherence to human rights and democratic principles.
Trump’s choice of Rubio to head the State Department could prove pivotal, given the trajectory of democracy in Southeast Asia, and the existing U.S. focus on countering authoritarian influence both in the region and in Cambodia.
For starters, Rubio has publicly stated that “under the authoritarian rule of dictator Hun Sen, Cambodia continues to backslide” in key aspects of democratization. He has also spoken, at length, to the fact that “elections and democracy and freedom are not always the same thing.”
Cambodia’s recent 2023 elections illustrate this stark reality. Free and fair elections – defined by viable opposition, a lack of interference in the results, and an informed electorate – have mostly ceased to exist. Hun Sen, the former Khmer Rouge commander turned leader of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), faced no credible opposition. The result was a foregone conclusion: Hun Sen won a landslide and subsequently handed the leadership of the country to his son, Hun Manet, in a North Korean-style transfer of power.
Opposition parties, including the Cambodia National Rescue Party in 2017 and Candlelight Party in 2023, have been disbanded by courts prior to elections, following false claims of conspiracy to attempt a revolution or after being saddled with bureaucratic red tape that effectively disqualified them from running. Many of the leaders of these groups have since been forced into exile. Today, we continue to see the Hun regime taking a page out of China’s transnational repression playbook, with people deported and arrested from neighboring countries such as Thailand and Malaysia over social media posts criticizing the government. Some activists have even seen their family members arrested in order to pressure them to give up their fight.
Media in the country is now completely state run and supported, with independent media shut down. Journalists have also faced the same fate as activists and the diaspora. Earlier this year, the freelance journalist Mech Dara was arrested for “incitement of violence” after he reported extensively on the human rights abuses taking place in Cambodia.
Under Rubio’s predecessor, and the outgoing secretary of state, Antony Blinken, there have been welcome interventions, particularly in the realm of sanctions under the Magnitsky Act. First, the Biden administration imposed sanctions on Chau Phirun and Tea Vinh in 2021 for “conspiring to illegally profit” in the reconstruction of the Ream Naval Base. Second, in September 2024 the U.S. added sanctions on the Hun Manet regime ally and businessman Ly Yong Phat for human rights abuses. However, these actions remain piecemeal and have failed to address China’s entrenched influence within the country, or the root issues of corruption and undemocratic elections in Cambodia.
As Cambodia’s role in the China-U.S. battle grows, with infrastructure projects like the Ream Naval Base and the Funan-Techo Canal offering China both economic leverage and military footholds in Southeast Asia, Washington’s response to the ongoing democratic backsliding and human rights abuses could have far-reaching regional implications.
With growing Chinese influence in the region through Belt and Road Initiative projects, rising economic inequality as wealth remains centralized in the hands of a few, and transnational repression targeting those who speak out, addressing these issues will not be easy. Adding Trump’s proposed tariffs to the situation risks pushing Cambodia closer to Beijing.
To safeguard Cambodia’s democratic trajectory, Rubio must pursue a comprehensive and strategic approach that addresses both immediate and systemic challenges. In 2023, during my time lobbying on Capitol Hill for the updated Cambodian Democracy and Human Rights Act (S.2331), Rubio stood out as a steadfast ally, who, together with Senators Ed Markey (D-MA) and Dick Durbin (D-IL), co-sponsored the Congressional bill and supported the Cambodian diaspora in the U.S.
Continuing to leverage the Magnitsky Act, prioritizing sanctions targeting the core of Cambodia’s entrenched autocracy – the Hun family and their inner circle – will be key in Rubio’s strategy over the next four years.
Beyond sanctions, Rubio could play a pivotal role in advocating for robust international electoral monitoring, engaging with the United Nations and European Union to ensure transparency in Cambodia’s political processes. Simultaneously, by strengthening ties with NGOs and the Cambodian diaspora, Rubio can amplify grassroots efforts and elevate the voices of those championing reform as he has done before.
For Cambodians like me, Rubio may be the change we need. His words and historic support for our cause could be what is needed to push for real action for a democracy under siege and challenge the forces threatening its survival.